ERSATZKONTINUANTEN E RICOSTRUZIONE INDOEUROPEA
IE. *H3ELH1- (: GR. ὊΛΛΥΜΙ, -ΜΑΙ, LAT. AB-OLEŌ, AB-OLĒSCŌ) → ITT. ÀARK(II Ù E/A)-MI ‘CADERE IN ROVINA’, ARNI(N)K-MI, ÀARGANU-MI ‘MANDARE IN ROVINA’
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.6092/2281-6585/6322Abstract
Semantics and collocations of Hitt. ¯ark(iÔe/a)-mi ‘perish' with subj. [+/– ANIMATE], ¯arni(n)k-mi, ¯arganu-mi ‘ruin’ with obj. [+/– ANIMATE] (PIE *h3erg-) perfectly match those of Gk. ὄλλυμι, -μαι and Lat. ab-oleō, ab-olēscō (PIE * h3elh1-). Nevertheless, the cognates of the Hittite forms, namely PCelt. *org- ‘kill’ and Arm. harkanem ‘beat (to death)’, show that PIE *h3erg- originally had a more restricted semantics ‘die’ / ‘kill’, which only license subj. / obj. [+ ANIMATE]. The enlarged semantics of the Hittite verbs can therefore be interpreted as an einzelsprachlich development. Thus, ¯ark(iÔe/a)-mi and ¯arni(n)k-mi, ¯arganu-mi prove to be the Ersatzkontinuanten of the semantics of PIE * h3elh1- in Hittite.


